The Singapore Lion by Irene Ng

Keith's Take

Any discussion about Singapore and its developmental journey is incomplete without understanding the contributions of the Holy Trinity: Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Keng Swee, and S. Rajaratnam.

 There is a misconception that Lee Kuan Yew was the Founder aided by trustworthy lieutenants in Goh and Rajaratnam. The idea was that he conceptualised the strategy and trusted these two men to execute it.

 A better way to frame it was that while LKY was the team's captain, these two men were his vice-captains. While LKY was the face of the group, they fed off each other's ideas in their respective policy domains.

 This first book gives you the origin story of S Rajaratnam. You will see his early signs of greatness, the birth of the PAP and the road to Singapore's merger with Malaysia.

After devouring Irene's book, I hope someone can make a biopic of Rajaratnam. 

Keith's Notes

My raw notes on the book. It's not gospel, just my honest thoughts.

Singapore's First Software Developer

Most people focus on Singapore's hardware: the material standard of living, the GDP/capita, and the radical transformation of our landscape.

But every country has its software. It's the spirit of the people, the ideals they aspire to, and the values they champion. This tends to get undervalued because it's hard to observe. Yet, ultimately, it’s a country's software that drives the society towards enlightenment and maturity.

LKY, in his foreword to Irene Ng's book, said this,

Raja’s contribution to Singapore is not in bricks and mortar, or concrete and glass. It was in ideas, sentiments and spirit, captured in words he lovingly typed out. Everyday, when the Pledge is recited in our schools, our children are reminded to live up to our aspirations of a multi-racial society regardless of race, language or religion. 

When you read about S Rajaratnam's life, you know he believed in and embodied the ideals of multiculturalism.

Every cabinet should have an archetype like Raja—a leader who cares intensely about the country's software updates. They have to care that subsequent generations of its citizens will continue to care about the nation's founding ideals.

(It is thus no coincidence that Rajaratnam was an outstanding fiction writer and a pioneer of Malayan literature. His stories inspired readers to reflect on their 'own conditions and perceptions' to discover what ideals to strive towards.)

Is there a case to be made that governments should actively recruit poets, authors and artists into politics?

Rajaratnam's Intellectual Foundation

In the founding cohort of Singapore's ministers, Raja was known to be the most well-read and erudite. Thus, it was no surprise that he codified the ideals Singapore should strive towards.

But, to do so, he needed a rich intellectual diet, especially in his formative years.

He was fascinated by the explosion of ideas and attended as many controversial lectures as he could, such as those by Harold Laski, the voice of Fabian socialism. Laski, who taught at the LSE from 1920 to 1950, influenced many students with his neo-Marxist democratic socialism which called for a full socialist transformation of the economic system. Raja was no exception. Of all of Laski’s beliefs, the one that gripped Raja’s imagination was his advocacy of equality and liberty.

Every day, Raja was exposed to new ways of thinking, debating and writing. He also made new friends. They were invariably the radical left-wing set. “At that time, the interesting people I met and moved around with were socialists, communists and anti-imperialists,”

He found them and their views stimulating as they challenged his assumptions on life and the world. They were obsessed with political issues. Raja thought deeply about the ideas being debated, reflected on the problems of race, class and unemployment, and worried about the threat of war.

 For a man who was to become a strident anti-communist later in his life, he sought to understand its intellectual origins in his earlier years.

The principal attraction of Marxism for Raja was essentially its usefulness as a system of analysis and interpretation. He was drawn to Marx’s idea that justice could only be brought about by revolution in society because, only by getting to the root cause for social ills and addressing the root, could the cause of our problems be eliminated.

What I really liked about Raja was that a) he was okay with the radical and b) he was an independent thinker.

Seeking out the radical ideas forces you to think deeply about the status quo.

But blindly following the prescriptions of radical ideas is to subscribe to dogma. Rajaratnam aggressively focused on modifying the intellectual framework to fit Malaysia/Singapore's particular context.

Here's an example of Raja in action:

In 1937, very few Asians dared to openly challenge the colonial paradigm. To be anti-Western would be heretical. “Practically all Malayans and Singaporeans like me who went to study in London were loyal British subjects whose dream it was to return home to Singapore and Malaya, as financially well-off coloured sahibs,” he recalled

 But as he studied race and politics, he knew that the racism and injustice of racial discrimination were intolerable. When he returned to Singapore as a journalist, he would often openly challenge the racist policies of colonial Singapore and then, join LKY in fighting for  decolonisation.

(He did so despite serious objections from his family and his wife, Piroska.)

We all need lucky breaks (Even Rajaratnam)

 As a young writer from Colonial Malaya looking to survive in wartime Britain and become a serious journalist, Rajaratnam needed a place to hone his skills. Thankfully, his short fiction impressed George Orwell enough.

 Orwell, who was running BBC’s Eastern Service, opened the door for him to write scripts and do part-time broadcasting for Asia. He later roped Rajaratnam into The Tribune to write commentaries on Asia.

It was under Orwell that Rajaratnam mastered the in-and-outs of radio and the craft of political commentary from one of Britain’s best literary minds.

As the radio and newspaper became the dominant mediums of mass communication in the post-WWII era, Rajaratnam’s skill stack would enable the PAP to effectively communicate their political ideas for a self-ruling, independent and multiracial Singapore to the masses, thereby accelerating our march towards independence.

 *Orwell’s influence on Rajaratnam was so substantial that upon Raja’s return to Singapore, he named his column at The Standard: I Write As I Please , a homage to his mentor, George Orwell’s column, As I Please. 

Orwell was willing to take a chance on a young Rajaratnam, mentoring him in the arts of writing and radio while giving him the platform to hone his skills.

 Stories like these remind me how contingent history is. Without Orwell, Rajaratnam could not have transformed from a fiction writer to a serious political commentator and a powerful anti-colonial literary icon.

The LKY Difference

But what impressed Raja more was Lee’s work with some unions as legal adviser, which he did without any pay. Here, Raja thought, was a rare English-educated intellectual who cared for the working masses and would toil for them. And here was another opportunity to hammer the colonial government. It was too good to pass up. Lee would later recall: “I found Raja very keen. He was more a campaigner than a journalist, so he was very enthusiastic and said that he would give the full support.” When Raja agreed to help Lee, he did not know that the decision would change his life completely

When LKY says that he gave up his life for Singapore, I honestly don't think that was an exaggeration.

Being a top student , achieving a double first in Law at Cambridge meant that he would personally benefit the most from the status quo. But, there he was, before the birth of the PAP - serving. He knew he wanted Singapore to be free from British rule, but he didn't know how.

There was no analysis-paralysis. He knew he had to do something first so he just started.

 It was this dedication that won Raja over.

The Birth of the Raja-Lee Tandem

As Lee recounted in his memoirs, The Singapore Story, “Raja was enjoying the fight. This was crusading at its best — fighting for the downtrodden masses against a heartless bunch of white colonial exploiters.”

Raja was in his element when in battle. It was during this electrifying episode that their great friendship was forged. Their trust in each other deepened as Raja gave Lee the heads-up on his editorial pitch, and Lee relied on Raja to deliver the editorial punches.

Raja’s polemical style was emphatic, a result of his years hobnobbing with Indian and West Indian anti-imperialists, while Lee, more exposed to the friendly sparring at Cambridge, was partial to the understatement.

Lee depicted their partnership as “a duet” — “Raja strong and rigorous, I courteous, if pointed, always more in sorrow than in anger.”

My guess as to why the founding PAP team was so formidable was that they went through hell and came back together. By the time Singapore achieved its independence, its core team had already survived many existential crises. It is also why, amongst the founding Cabinet, they had such a deep level of trust and candour with each other. In the later years, sharper differences would emerge. But, for those crucial early years, they performed smoothly.

I am not sure you want to or can replicate the same situation today.

Rejecting Marshall's Advance

In April 1954, the Singapore Socialist Party, led by Marshall, was officially born. Later, it absorbed another breakaway group from the Singapore Labour Party and was renamed the Singapore Labour Front. Raja and his friends rolled their eyes at the new party’s direction, steered by a motley group whose knowledge of socialism was abysmal.

Their main interest, Raja surmised, was public office. “Once the party was formed, we had come to the conclusion that Marshall was not serious about his politics. For him, politics was drama. He was in a play. The party was just a backdrop,” said Raja. 

 This was the difference between the early PAP and Marshall's Labour Front—the PAP could 'translate passion into a practical strategy of social and political transformation'. Through campaigns, strikes, and protests, it planned to win the support of the unions, civil servants, and the Chinese-educated. It patiently cultivated this mass movement.

 On the other hand, David Marshall lacked the team and organizational capacity to follow up on his zeal.

Chan Heng Chee said that Marshall was a sensation of independence because he made people awaken from their stupor and, for the first time, dream of a self-governing Singapore. Yet, like a sensation, he faded away when governance was needed. 

Therein lies the populist dilemma; the populist can yell, "Down with the system!" or promise to change everything once he or she is elected to office. Butonce in office, because they spent so much time whipping people up into a fever pitch, they set such an impossible standard for themselves and often don't have the systems to change things.

The Failure of Raayat

Raja launched his personal publication, Raayat "at a time when political apathy and timidity were marked among the English-educated group. Their attitude was reflected through the pages of the English-language newspapers and magazines, which concerned themselves largely with the escapades of Asian personalities, commercial news, the social events of the European community, and various happenings in England. There was little discussion on Malayan issues."

He hoped to encourage serious discussion. However, business was lacklustre. He could not obtain advertisements for his new publication or a significant readership.

He was prepared to fight on. His printer Hoong Fatt Press, however, was not. Now beset with production problems as well, Raja agonised over his next step. Piroska advised him to cut his losses and get back to a regular job.

Raja pulled the plug: Raayat breathed its last breath with its edition in March 1955. In all, Raayat ran seven issues.

During the three months of production, Raja learnt an awful truth: people in Singapore would rather spend 60 cents a month on entertainment magazines than on serious-minded ones such as Raayat.

It was a very public failure.

 What's worse than a public failure- a public and expensive failure.

It was also a very expensive lesson. He lost all his savings, easily to the tune of tens of thousands of dollars. But more distressing to him was the realisation that, despite pouring his heart and soul into the publication, week in and week out, it made no discernible impact on the political consciousness of Malayans. With its failure, there was a sense of political impotence, of his talents wasted, of his foolishness being on display. He had rushed headlong into a costly venture with high ideals but without thinking through each practical step or the consequences.

What's worse than that?

A public, expensive and humiliating failure.

To earn himself an income, Raja had to join the anti-PAP Straits Times, the very paper he decried as a capitalist propaganda machine.

He then needed to endure the public taunting by his former employer, The Standard, for taking this about-turn.

In today's political environment, such a public failure is free ammunition for a political adversary. It's supposed to be a sign of someone's incompetence.

But Raja's attempt to launch his publication was a demonstration of his willingness to put his money where his mouth was. He saw a problem that was worth solving and applied himself rigorously to it.

Yes, he failed. But, most importantly, he recovered.

No failure is fatal or final.

The Formation of the PAP All-Star Team

He worked closely with Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Keng Swee and Toh Chin Chye to finalise the ideas. Goh was a brusque, hard-nosed man who would emerge as Singapore’s economic architect and chief mandarin. Toh, the party chairman since 1954, was a sharp political analyst with a good grasp of organisational details. In shaping the manifesto, Lee was pragmatic and realistic, keenly aware that, if the PAP was elected, it would have to implement what it promised.

Lee listened to the views from the trusted few and had occasion to change his mind as a result. Raja had seen this happen many times. But once Lee was convinced of a certain position, he would ram it through. Raja would say of the original team later: “Lee Kuan Yew was really the leader. He’s number one. So he was leading the group as a whole. Keng Swee was more of the civil servant, and I, the ideas man.

This draws into sharper relief Marshall and the PAP. Marshall pretty much had himself to run the show. To use startup parlance, the PAP had LKY, the CEO, Goh Keng Swee, who was essentially the COO, and Raja, the CMO. They were co-founders and A+ players who complemented each other well.

Raja was not a natural follower who submitted to authority easily or gave his allegiance lightly, but he saw in Lee an exceptional leader who shared his deep convictions and his vision for Singapore. He found a ready ear in Lee, who relied heavily on him for ideas on strategy and policy. Since their collaboration with the postal strike in 1952, he had developed a close relationship with Lee; it was one of mutual respect.

As I read through the various biographies, it became clear how driven the early PAP's core team were to create a multi-racial and united Singapore/Malaysia. They were so aligned in their end goal that the others had no problem ceding power to LKY as their leader.

The Crazy Backstory of the Singapore Flag

In Raja’s account, the first draft of the flag design was red as the background with a yellow star in the centre. The Singapore UMNO was up in arms against it, protesting that it was virtually the flag of the Communist Party. Later, someone suggested that the flag should be green in the background with a large white star.

This demand was deemed excessive — that would have Islamised the flag. Meanwhile, the pro-communists, influenced by the five yellow stars on the flag of China, were firm on using the red background and the yellow star.

Raja was caught in a quandary. Each group had its own interpretation of symbols.

He recalled years later: “After several discussions, arguments and much persuasion, we managed to persuade all, including some people inside the PAP, to use red and white as the background colours of the flag, with five white stars and a crescent moon.”

The crescent moon also caused some consternation among the non-Muslim community. Some countries were also confused. “They saw the crescent moon as a proclamation of our religious identity,” said Raja. This perception, too, had to be cleared up.

What did Raja do? He provided an official translation of the symbols and flag. He squared the circle. He integrated everyone's input—giving them the colours and symbols they wanted—but he gave those symbols a completely new set of official meanings.

This may be the sign that Raja was meant to be Singapore's first foreign minister. The way he finessed everyone and still had the Opposition praising him needs to be studied.

Resisting The Bureaucratic Conspiracy

In the past, they might be rewarded for pursuing “safe” options. No longer. Under this new government, they must be prepared to embark on new experiments.

He said: “Novelty and experiment are necessary for this country’s survival. The civil servant’s task is no longer to preserve a disintegrating colonial order but to act as midwives of the new social order that is struggling to be born.”

He noted the tendency for bureaucrats to abhor experimentation as it opened them to public criticisms. “Because mistakes may lead to criticism of a bureaucracy, the safest and easiest course is to try and persuade the Minister that the action he contemplates is probably

 If the minister was a timid man, he could easily be frightened into inaction, especially it was impressed upon him that he had to assume responsibility for the mistakes of his subordinates, he added. “This avoidance of novelty and experiment may be all right in a stable or a stagnant society. But it can be fatal to civil servants, ministers and the country as a whole during periods of great social and political changes,” he argued.

 Easier said than done!

What did Raja do?

He set the broad direction for his administration and delegate the details of policy and implementation to his civil servants. His role then was to secure the resources needed for them to execute.

Most importantly, his job was creating the environment they needed to push the envelope. This meant not coming down on them harshly when experiments didn't pan out as intended.

Bureaucracies tend towards inertia and an excellent minister prevents that slide.

The Central Problem of Merger

In a bid to show that the PAP could be politically influential in Malaysia, he said:

“In politics, it is political parties, principles, which control. So, if the PAP party can win elections throughout the Malaysian territories, then it can control the Central Legislative Assembly."

It might appear an audacious position, but to Raja, entirely reasonable. This was an issue that Raja had obviously thought through to its logical conclusion, perhaps more than others. Since the issue of merger was broached, he had been open and consistent about his intention to engage in the politics of the new Malaysia when it was formed, and his belief that this would be constitutional.

This rang alarm bells for Tunku, Malaya's Prime Minister who thought that PAP's political influence would only be constrained to Singapore.

They might have different visions of what a united Malaysia could look like. But, as long as PAP kept to Singapore and UMNO, kept to Malaysia - they could hold an uneasy peace.

This would be the primary locus of distrust between UMNO and PAP, eventually leading to greater cracks between Malaysia and Singapore, thereby leading to the separation. (I didn't know that the fissures would appear so early before merger)

Singapore's Early Bid to Become Southeast Asia's Cultural Hub

In 1963, Singapore hosted its first Malaysia Grand Prix, an event that drew over 100,000 spectators. The two-day race, organized by Raja’s Culture Ministry—which also handled tourism—achieved international recognition and helped elevate Singapore’s regional standing. Raja emphasized the event’s significance beyond mere profit, focusing on the human aspect:

“An international event like our Grand Prix is an opportunity for sportsmen from different nations to match skill and courage, not in a spirit of petty political vindictiveness and animosity, but in a spirit of sportsmanship to learn to understand and respect one another better.”

To many outside Singapore, the notion that Singapore could be considered a cultural jewel in the region might have seemed presumptuous. Historically, the small island had been little more than a swampland inhabited by fishermen and pirates before colonial times. This stood in stark contrast to its larger neighbors, such as Indonesia, with its Majapahit empire, and Cambodia, with its Khmer (Angkor) empire, both of which boasted civilizations that stretched back centuries.

Singapore might be small, and less historically rich, but if we want to be a culturally rich nation, we must constantly seek to take matters into our own hands.

The critics are always right in the short term. Butit's the doers who are right in the long term. Now, when Singapore host the Grand Prix in Southeast Asia, it seems like a foregone conclusion.

Raja, The Designated Survivor

In 1963, it would have been inconceivable for Raja to imagine that, within two years, Lee would approach him about leading a government-in-exile under the protection of Prince Sihanouk, should Lee be detained. Lee selected Raja for this crucial role because he believed that “Raja was a man who would fight to the last, with no question of him backing out.” Lee further remarked, “He was a man of deep convictions and he would go right to the end.”

Now, you know why he is called the Singapore Lion.

If you like the book, you can buy it here: